She is the fifth. The Founders, for varying reasons, distrusted popular democracy. Southerners were wary of a challenge to slavery; others feared the emergence of a national demagogue. Andrew Jackson was the first to suffer this constitutionally enabled result of losing-while-winning, when he conceded the race to John Quincy Adams.
Jackson, whose portrait now hangs in the Oval Office, charged that he had been undone by a rigged ballot. In , Grover Cleveland lost in much the same manner to Benjamin Harrison, but then avenged his humbling four years later. Samuel Tilden fell to Rutherford B. Hayes, in ; and yet, after the baroque, months-long struggle inside the Electoral College, Tilden seemed almost relieved. In the ballot of , Albert Gore, Jr. After losing the final battle before the Supreme Court, Gore soon departed Washington to brood in Nashville.
He grew a beard. He grew fat. He seemed, at first, quite lost. When I visited him there, a few years later, he said he would eventually get around to confronting that bitter experience, just not yet.
He never fully did so, certainly not at book length. Instead, with time, he shaved his beard, travelled the world giving lectures and making a documentary about climate change, and, in , shared the Nobel Peace Prize with the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.
He made a fortune as an Apple director, a Google adviser, and a venture-capital partner. He found his way. For one thing, Gore was in his early fifties when he lost. Clinton is sixty-nine. For another, the circumstances surrounding her defeat are immensely more disturbing. Clinton lost a race that few thought possible to lose. Trump, a demonstrably crooked businessman and reality-television star, an unsavory, if shrewd, demagogue whose rhetoric and policy proposals had long flouted the constitutional norms of the United States.
She lost because of the tactical blunders of her campaign. She lost because she could never find a language, a thematic focus, or a campaigning persona that could convince enough struggling working Americans that she, and not a cartoonish plutocrat, was their champion. She lost because of the forces of racism, misogyny, and nativism that Trump expertly aroused. And she lost because of external forces Vladimir Putin, Julian Assange, James Comey that were beyond her control and are not yet fully understood.
But, against the advice of some of those closest to her, she has relived it, for publication. Scream later. Instead, the next morning, she wore purple, a symbol of the unity of red and blue states, and, before hundreds of shocked, weeping staffers, she made her way through a hastily drafted message of endurance and gratitude.
Because I had. When Clinton arrived home, she changed into yoga pants and a fleece and wandered outside. The property is surrounded by a high white fence. Secret Service officers operate out of a red barn in the back yard. Before I went to see Clinton, I spoke with some of her top advisers in the campaign. Some still work with her; others stay in close touch, commiserating, exchanging links to stories about Trump-related outrages or malfeasances.
They share a sense of colossal failure—of having failed Clinton, and, more, of having failed the country. They know that she, too, carries a sense of both victimhood and guilt. There is in her a depth of anguish about the outcome that there is no parallel for in modern memory. She listened with a tight, patient smile as people recommended Xanax and gave her the names of their marvellous therapists.
How did she get from day to day? Clinton spent a lot of time around the house. She returned to the work of Henri Nouwen, a Dutch-born priest and theologian who wrote about his struggles with depression, spirituality, and loneliness.
In her concession speech, Clinton had, like Gore before her, gestured to the need for national unity. She mouthed the requisite words of conciliation. We owe him an open mind and the chance to lead. Our constitutional democracy enshrines the peaceful transfer of power. Although her press person had told me that Clinton did not want to be photographed—she writes a long passage in the book about the trials of daily sessions with hairdressers and makeup artists, and all that is required of women in public office to achieve the gloss expected of them—she entered the room looking much as she had throughout the campaign.
Still, there was a heaviness to her manner, a kind of grim determination to get a message across, one last time. But I am, and I do. And I think he is unpredictable, which, at the end of the description one can give of him, makes him dangerous. The latest incident with North Korea? Going after our ally, South Korea, while North Korea is threatening the region, threatening us?
Going after China, which we need, whether we like it or not, to help us try to resolve the aggressive behavior of Kim Jong Un? He admires authoritarians. He clearly has a bromance toward Putin, whom he lauds as a great leader. Because he has such a limited understanding of the world. Everything is in relation to how it makes him feel. And therefore he has little objective distance, which a leader must have.
Making decisions in the Oval Office requires a level of dispassionate, reasoned analysis. Sexism and misogyny played a role in the presidential election. Exhibit A is that the flagrantly sexist candidate won. Mrs Clinton was the first woman to be a major party presidential nominee.
At key moments - such as when she locked up the nomination during the primaries and when she gave her acceptance speech at the Democratic National Convention - she explicitly acknowledged this fact. Other times, she downplayed it. The groundbreaking nature of her campaign, however, was always in the background.
On election day, women put flowers on the graves of famous leaders of the women's suffrage movement, in anticipation of a historic night to come. That, of course, didn't happen - and, in Mrs Clinton's view, her gender was an obstacle she had to overcome. And a lot of the sexism and the misogyny was in service of these attitudes.
Like, you know, 'We really don't want a woman commander in chief'. The thing about historic firsts is that there is no standard by which to judge them. Mrs Clinton had remarkably high negative ratings for a modern presidential nominee as did Mr Trump.
Was this because of her gender or an aspect of her personality that some voters found off-putting? I'm at a loss. Mrs Clinton has plenty of criticism of Mr Trump in her book, from his naivete to his sexism to his dangerous and ill-conceived policies.
During her interview with CBS, however, the former Democratic nominee was particularly blunt about what she viewed as the explicit attempts by the Trump campaign to stoke racial resentment among white working-class voters.
Her critique picks up on a particularly testy exchange between Trump and Clinton campaign aides in a post-election forum, where Clinton communications director Jennifer Palmieri said Mr Trump gave a platform to white supremacists and that she would "rather lose than win the way you guys did". Whether you call it playing to racial grievances or giving hope to socially and economically anxious voters, there's no question that Mr Trump had a message that resonated with many members of the white working-class.
It was my campaign. Those were my decisions. Political analyst Mark Shields likes to note that in few professions is failure on such prominent display as in the world of politics.
If the average Joe doesn't get a promotion, the local paper won't devote entire articles to what character flaw or personal mistake is to blame. Any attempt by Mrs Clinton to explain "what happened" in was going to be ripe for criticism. Is she talking out too much? Or not enough? Why is she blaming other people? Will she devote pages to delving into why people just don't seem to connect with her?
Although Mrs Clinton in her book is liberal with apportioning responsibility for her defeat, she sets aside plenty of space to point the finger at herself.
She calls her labelling of a certain segment of Mr Trump's base as being in a "basket of deplorables" as a "political gift" to her opponent.
She says she deeply regrets her remarks about how government policies were going to put coal workers "out of business", even if she insists they were taken out of context. She laments that she was unable to connect with the anger and resentment that many Americans felt after the financial crash in Most of all, she says she understands that something just didn't click between her and many US voters.
Mrs Clinton has written her book and stated her case that, despite any personal flaws, it was a perfect political storm that dashed her presidential dreams. In the end, history will be the judge. News broke during the flight that the FBI was reviewing new emails related to Clinton's personal server, bringing an issue they had assumed was behind them back into the campaign.
The emails being examined were part of an investigation into former U. Anthony Weiner, Abedin's estranged husband, who is accused of sexting with a girl who was purportedly underage. On November 6, FBI Director James Comey told lawmakers that after reviewing the new emails, the agency stood by its opinion that Clinton should not face criminal charges. Clinton addresses the media in Des Moines, Iowa, on October She issued a statement about the latest FBI disclosure.
So the American people deserve to get the full and complete facts immediately. Clinton speaks at her news conference on October Trump speaks at a campaign rally in Cedar Rapids on October Trump supporters attend a rally in Cedar Rapids on October Trump speaks at a campaign rally in Lisbon, Maine, on October Clinton speaks in Cedar Rapids on October Trump smiles at a rally in Manchester, New Hampshire, on October A Clinton supporter takes a selfie at a campaign rally in Winston-Salem on October Trump gears up for a campaign rally at an airport in Sanford, Florida, on Tuesday, October Trump supporters cheer while waiting for the candidate's arrival in Sanford on October Clinton attends a rally in Coconut Creek, Florida, on October A shadow of Clinton's campaign plane is seen as the candidate prepares to land in Manchester, New Hampshire, on Monday, October Clinton, center, claps for US Sen.
Elizabeth Warren at a rally in Manchester on October Clinton greets the crowd after the final presidential debate of the campaign. Trump with his family following the debate. Clinton and Trump at the end of the debate. Clinton and Trump battled on several issues during the debate. Clarke told the crowd, "It is pitchfork and torches time in America. Trump speaks to supporters in Green Bay. Clinton waves as she boards her campaign plane in Seattle on Friday, October The view from Clinton's campaign plane on October Clinton headlines a fundraiser in Seattle on October Clinton's campaign staff takes questions from the media on her plane in Seattle on October America is angry.
First off, Americans are exceptionally angry with their political establishment. Read More. But the anger has a foundation. Many Americans view President Obama and members of Congress as having failed to deliver on their promises of a better nation. Republican voters lament increasing spending and a ballooning national debt. Democratic voters lament Obama's inability to get more laws through Congress.
Independent voters those not aligned with either party lament the relentless partisan bickering. Related: Trump or Clinton, stricter gun control is inevitable. As a once-in-a-generation political outsider, Trump has been able to capitalize on this discontent. Yes, the vast majority of his supporters are Republicans. But many others -- in swing states like Florida and Ohio -- are independents. Some even are Democrats.
Trump's core success here has been his usurpation of amorphous anger into his political identity. Becoming the candidate of the angry disenchanted, Trump has made Clinton the candidate of the status quo.
The second issue that hurts Clinton and helps Trump is the economy. While the recession is over and unemployment rates have fallen, a lot of Americans don't feel it. Their doubt is supported by an increasingly weak employment participation rate and record numbers of Americans stuck in part-time work.
Whatever one thinks of his policies or personality, Trump has capitalized on this economic doubt.
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